Workpackage 5: The role of formal and informal networks in food procurement, preparation and consumption

Workpackage led by:
Prof Sara Arber
Dr Kate Davidson
(to view contact details click here)

Overall objective of Workpackage 5:
The overall objective of this WP is to determine the role of formal and informal networks in enhancing health-promoting food provisioning and consumption among older people.

The detailed objectives of this WP are to:
• To determine the role of formal (e.g. food-related, social or health) services in food procurement and consumption
• To determine the role of informal networks (e.g. family, friends, neighbours) in food procurement and consumption
• To compare the role of formal and informal networks across cultures, age groups and living circumstances

Participating Centres:
• Istituto Nazionale di Ricerca per gli Alimenti e la Nutrizione (INRAN), Italy
• Federal Research Centre for Nutrition (FRCN) (Bundesforschungsanstalt fuer Ernaehrung – BFE), Germany
• Department of Public Health and Caring Sciences, Uppsala University, Sweden
• MAPP, The Aarhus School of Business, Denmark
• Faculdade de Ciências da Nutrição e Alimentação da Universidade do Porto, Portugal
• Department of Human Nutrition, Warsaw Agriculture University, Poland
• Grup d’Estudis Alimentaris, University of Barcelona, Spain

Aim
The aim of WP5 in the Food in Later Life project was to examine the role of formal and informal networks in shopping, preparing and eating meals.

Methods
Data was collected using semi-structured interviews, a background questionnaire and 7-day food procurement diary and food consumption diaries. In each partner country data were collected from 80 older people strati­fied according to gender, age (65-74/75 and over) and living circumstances (living with and without partners/family).
The tape recorded interviews lasted approximately one hour and the participants were left with the diaries fol­lowing an explanation and demonstration of completion, and requested to return them at the end of the week in question. The interviews were analysed using a program MAXqda. The data were analysed in two phases, firstly in each partner country (in each local language) and secondly by the UK team (in English). The diaries were analysed using the quantitative software program SSPS.

Results
Typical Patterns
Informal and formal networks varied considerably by gender, marital status, health status and prevailing cultural norms. Marriage for both genders corresponded with larger informal networks, both in terms of family and friends involvement with sharing meals, than people who lived without partners. However, widowed women reported a degree of continuity with informal networking, but the profile and location of meal sharing had changed from ‘couple orientated’ within the home, to female orientated both within and outside the home.

Those without partners reported more frequent contact with formal networks, which included day centre provision and sheltered accommodation meal provision. Shopping was frequently reported as a joint venture for married, retired people. Older widowed women would often shop with adult children or close neighbours, especially if they had a car. Retirement of the men meant that they were more likely to accompany their spouse on shopping expeditions.

Changes in social networks
Across all cultures, there were two principal life events which precipitated the most marked shifts in social net­work involvement. The first was change in health status of either the participant or their spouse and the second, which often followed, was change in marital status from living with someone (spouse, parent or sibling) to living alone, the most common reason was widowhood.

In northern Europe, widowed men and women were more likely to live independently, but the cultural (but not universal) norm of southern Europe meant that either three generation families were already established, or the widowed parent moved in with an adult child. However, it was noted that this customary practice is changing for the ‘young old’ cohort (65-74) who report that independ­ent living is valued because they do not wish to be a ‘burden’ on the family.

Widowed women in all countries were more likely to have friends in their home for ‘snacks’ such as coffee, tea and cakes, as well as meals. Men who wish for company, were more likely to eat at clubs or restaurants. In all cultures, depending upon presence and proximity of adult children, both widowed men and women were more likely to take meals regularly with family members than when they were married. Celebration meals continued to be the most usual time for large family and friends gatherings, regardless of health, marital status and age.

Widowers were more likely to experience dramatic changes in food procurement and preparation than wid­ows. However, those widowers who had cared for an ail­ing wife had often already established skills and routines around shopping and cooking, and frequently expressed pride in their achievements. These men sometimes invited family for meals in their home but interestingly, not friends and neighbours. Men and women who found new partners almost always reverted to the gender division of cooking, regardless of the culinary skills of the man. However, as is commonly reported for most retired men, they were likely to go shopping with their new partner.

Conclusions
The size, quality and profile of informal and formal net­works, and the role of network members in shopping and meal sharing, is largely dependent upon gender, health, marital status and age. Narratives about the importance of family and friends in the eating experience varied lit­tle over the eight countries, despite differences in living circumstances and cultural familial norms. For all the participants, food and eating together was viewed as an important ‘social glue’ which binds notions of quality of life, self esteem and personal happiness, and much more than the simple function of sustenance and the need to survive.